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Mr. E. Sayres, Vice Consul of Brazil, with several
We some days since were kindly presented by
We have since had an opportunity of testing the
specimens of green, black and gunpowder teas.
quality and the flavor, and we take pleasure in
pronouncing both as excellent. And this, too, is
the testimony of several of our best
most capable judges. The result, therefore, may
be regarded as highly successful and satisfactory;
and we trust that the cultivators in Brazil will
continue and pursue their laudable enterprise.—
Late Paper.



Since cold air is incessantly carrying off warmth, whole races of mankind placed under new circumfrom the skin, more exercise is requisite in win- stances, time being granted."-M. Somerville. ter than in summer, in cold climates than in warm; consequently, more carbon is necessary in the former than in the latter, in order to maintain the chemical action that generates heat, and to ward off the destructive effects of the oxygen, which incessantly strives to consume the body. Animal food, wine, and spirits, contain many times more carbon than fruit and vegetables, therefore animal food is much more necessary in a cold than in a hot climate. The Esquimaux, who lives by the chace, and eats 10 or 12 pounds weight of meat and fat in 24 hours, finds it not more than enough to keep up his strength and animal heat, while the indolent inhabitant of Bengal is sufficiently supplied with both by his rice diet. Clothing and warmth make the necessity for exercise and food much less, by diminishing the waste of animal heat. Hunger and cold united soon consume the body, because it loses its power of resisting the action of the oxygen, which consumes part of our substance, when food is wanting. Hence, nations inhabiting warm cli- an effort which was about to be made, in the Legismates have no great merit in being abstemious, lature of Pennsylvania, to repeal several sections nor are those guilty of committing an excess who of a law, enacted in 1847, for the protection of our live more freely in colder countries. The ar-free coloured people, the preservation of the public rangement of Divine Wisdom is to be admired in this as in all other things, for, if man had only been capable of living on vegetable food, he never could have had a permanent residence beyond the latitude where corn ripens. The Esquimaux, and all the inhabitants of the very high latitudes of both continents, live entirely on fish and animal food. What effects the difference of food may have upon the intellect is not known.




A brief notice was taken in our 19th number of

peace, &c. The movement now made appears to be entirely a political manœuvre, not founded on any general expression of public opinion, in opposition to the law in question, or any application from the people for its repeal. Pennsylvania has enjoyed the undisputed honour of being the first to declare, even before its own independence was

acknowledged by the parent state, that no further addition to its slave population should ever be made, either by birth or immigration. Seventy years have glided away since that mandate was issued, and the legislation of the Commonwealth, on the subject of slavery, from that time to this, has been progressive.

A nation or tribe driven by war, or any other cause, from a warm to a cold country, or the contrary, would be forced to change their food both in quality and quantity, which in the lapse of ages might produce an alteration in the external and internal structure. The probability is still greater, if the entire change that a few The drudgery of recovering fugitives from labour, years produce in the matter of which the under the provisions of the federal compact, was human frame is composed be considered. every instant during life, with every motion, vol- fairly taken off the separate States, and thrown untary and involuntary, with every thought, and upon the general government, by the Supreme every exercise of the brain, a portion of our sub- Court of the United States, in the case of Prigg vs. stance becomes dead, separates from the living The State of Pennsylvania. The acts of Congress part, combines with some of the inhaled oxygen, of 1793 and of 1850 have made provision for the and is removed. By this process it is supposed reclamation of fugitive slaves, which we might supthat the whole body is renewed every 7 years; pose amply sufficient to gratify the most strenuous individuality, therefore, depends on the spirit, advocates of southern rights. Hence there seems which retains its identity during all the changes little for our State Legislatures to do, in relation to of its earthly house, and sometimes even acts in-negro slavery, but to afford all the protection to our dependently of it. When sleep is restoring exhausted nature, the spirit is often awake and active, crowding the events of years into a few seconds, and, by its unconsciousness of time, anticipates eternity. Every change of food, climate, and mental excitement, must have their influence on the reproduction of the mortal frame; and thus a thousand causes may co-operate to alter

own coloured people which the law can furnish; and to provide that none but actual fugitives, whom our Legislature have no power to emancipate, shall be carried into servitude under the operations of the general government.

It is highly desirable, both for the credit of our noble Commonwealth, and for the cause of justice

and humanity, that this retrograde movement, sent into bondage in other States, as fugitives, should, if possible, be averted. when they were undoubtedly free."

The subjoined remonstrance, from the Meeting for Sufferings of Philadelphia, was presented on the 30th ult., by a committee from that body, to both branches of the Legislature. This remonstrance was read, and respectfully listened to, in the Senate. In the House of Representatives, a motion to suspend the reading, after it had been commenced, was voted down by a large majority.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of To the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Pennsylvania :

The Memorial of the Representatives of the religious society of Friends, in Pennsylvania, &c., respectfully represents :

That your Memorialists have observed with feelings of regret, that Bills are now before both bodies of the Legislature, the object of which is to repeal the 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th Sections of the Act of 1847, entitled an Act to prevent Kidnapping, preserve the public peace, &c.


When we consider the inestimable value of liberty as enjoyed by the freemen of this Commonwealth; that the loss of it by those unhappy individuals who were thus nefariously sent into bondage, involved the deprivation of their social and domestic comforts, the sacrifice of their property, and the severance of the dearest ties of life; that the slavery to which they were thus wrong. fully condemned, is declared by the aforesaid Report, "to be a state founded in violence and supported alone by power," and that it inflicts grievous oppression and cruelties upon its victims, we may form some idea, though but a very im perfect one, of the injustice aud violence which, by the admission of the Committee, attended the execution of the law of Congress, by Aldermen and Justices of the peace."

It is this state of things which the Bills under consideration propose again to introduce; and that, too, without those guards which the Act of 1826 provided for the security of our citizens. While these were in force, they exerted a salutary restraint upon subordinate officers, and rendered the kidnapping of men a more difficult task. To restore this power to Aldermen and Justices without any such restraints, will be to render the state of things worse than it was prior to the enactment of the law of 1847, and to open a wide door for the practice of kidnapping under cover of the laws of Congress for reclaiming fugitives from labour.

The law for the recovery of fugitive Slaves, passed last year by Congress, being supplemental to the Act of 1793, does not repeal it. It follows therefore, that if either of the Bills now before the Legislature should become a law, will confer on Magistrates, Justices of Peace, and other State officers, the authority to hear and determine without any appeal, and upon any evidence which they may deem sufficient, the liberty or the slavery of any coloured person who may If but a single free coloured person could be be brought before them as a fugitive from labour. shown to have been thus fraudulently "sent into That the excrcise of this power by Magistrates bondage," under the corrupt system which the and Justices, prior to the enactment of the af e-bills propose to re-establish, the probability of the said law of 1847, gave rise to many sus abuses, is well known; and the repeated complaints of the citizens of this Commonwealth induced the Legislature, at different periods, to pass laws to restrain and correct these abuses, and to protect our free coloured population from being seized and carried into slavery, under colour of legal process.

Numerous well attested cases are known to have occurred, in which free men were violently seized, dragged before a Magistrate who was in league with the men-stealers, and by a summary process suddenly consigned to hopeless servitude in distant States, beyond the reach of those means by which their undoubted right to liberty could be legally asserted.

At the last session of the Legislature, the subject of the repeal of those sections of the law of 1817, was referred in the House of Representatives to the Judiciary Committee, and the report produced by the Committee to that body, fully confirmed these facts.

"There is no doubt, say the Committee, that many frauds were practised by Constables and other Kidnappers, in collusion with certain Justices of the peace, who lent their aid to such nefarious purposes, whereby coloured persons were

recurrence of such a wrong, would be a sufficient argument against a return to it; but how much additional force is given to it, when the Judiciary Committee declare that "many [such] frauds were practised," and "coloured persons [thus] sent into bondage in other States, as fugitives, when they were undoubtedly free."

The fugitive Slave law of 1850, provides for the appointment of Commissioners in every section of the country, with authority to hear and determine in a summary manner, all cases of alleged fugitives from labour, on whose certificate the person claimed may be immediately delivered up to the claimant, or conveyed to him, if out of the State, at the expense of the Federal treasury, and without appeal to any other tribunal whatever.


The ample provision thus made for the recovery and return of fugitive Slaves, the unlimited ers conferred on the Commissioners, and the abundant facilities secured to the slave-holder, render the repeal of a law, designed for the security of our free coloured people, a work of supererogation on the part of the Legislature, an unnecessary and unsolicited proffer of aid, which while it will probably be of little advantage to the

claimant, may be a serious injury to the liberty, of freemen.

The law of 1847 is pronounced in the aforesaid Report to be "a legal and constitutional exercise of State Legislative power, as recognized by the Supreme Court of the United States, and of this State." It was the result of careful examination and deliberate thought, in compliance with the request of numerous citizens of this Commonwealth, and was enacted, we believe, without a dissenting voice in either house. Its operation has been beneficial in protecting the free coloured population, and preventing those scenes of tumult and violence, with which the attempt to seize and carry away alleged fugitives from labour, was often attended.

We would respectfully suggest that a law enacted as this was, with the unanimous consent of the members of the Legislature, after mature deliberation, and in accordance with the solicitation of a large number of their constituents, and which many hoped would permanently set at rest this long debated subject, ought not to be changed without a general expression of dissatisfaction from your fellow-citizens, and the clearest evidence that it is operating upon them injuriously.

The fourth Section of the law, is one of great importance to the peace of the State, and the security of citizens. The power of the States to enact laws for the preservation of the public peace within their jurisdiction in fugitive cases, is fully and clearly recognised by the Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of Prigg; and this fourth Section is so unobjectionable in its character, that it seems difficult to conceive any good reason for its repeal. Without questioning the alleged right of the master to arrest and carry away his slave,—without opposing any restriction or obstacle to his peaceably doing so; it simply provides that he shall not attempt the performance of the act, "in a riotous, violent, tumultuous, or unreasonable manner.'

The scenes of disorder and outrage, of which our citizens were often compelled to be reluctant witnesses, before the enactment of this clause, and the favorable change which has since taken place, furnish strong and unanswerable arguments in support of the Section and against its repeal.

Should it now be rescinded by the Legislature, it will be virtually granting a license to the claimant to disturb the peace, and outrage the feelings of the community, by adopting with impunity any means, which his excited and unbridled passions may dictate, for seizing and carrying away his victim.

When we consider how repugnant to the feelings and judgment of our citizens, slavery and its concomitant evils are, we have reason to apprehend that the encouragement thus given to the unrestrained exertion of despotic power, will result in scenes of tumult and riot,

destructive of the peace, and prejudicial to the character of the Commonwealth.

We conceive that it is not only the unquestionable right, but it is also clearly the duty, of the free States, to protect their own coloured population from the rapacity of avaricious men; and that the great object of the law of 1847, is to afford that protection and to preserve the public peace; and that it infringes on no right guaranteed by the Constitution to other States.

We are persuaded that a repeal of any of the provisions of that law, would be less a compromise of policy, than a sacrifice of principle-not a compromise of the rights of the whites, so much as a surrender of the peace, the safety, and the liberties of the free people of colour of Pennsylvania, who are not permitted to plead their own cause in our Legislative halls; and whose rights it would be unjust to surrender, under the illusory idea of its having a tendency to promote harmony, or removing a supposed cause of offence.

It is declared in the Holy Scripture, "He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God." A compliance with this, is the only basis on which we can safely rest our hopes, that the Almighty Governor of the Universe, who controls the destinies of nations, will bless and preserve the peace of our country. If we attempt to soothe others, or to promote harmony, by acts of injustice towards any of His rational creation, entitled, equally with ourselves, to the protection of the laws, and to the enjoyment of their civil rights; we

well fear, that He who is the Refuge of the door and the oppressed, and a God who judgeth nations as well as individuals, will not only frustrate our plans, but cause "own iniquity to correct us, and our backsliding to reprove us."


We feel religiously bound earnestly to remonstrate against the passage of either of the bills in question; and desire that it may please the Most High, so to influence the hearts of our Legislators, that their proceedings in this important matter, may be in conformity with that excellent and comprehensive rule, laid down by the great Christian Lawgiver, our blessed Lord and Saviour-"Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye also even so unto them."

Signed by direction and on behalf of a meeting of the Representatives of the Religious Society of Friends, commonly called Quakers, in Pennsylvania, &c., held in Philadelphia, the 24th of the First month, 1851.


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DIED,-On the 28th of Twelfth month last, near voyage, and the survivors are too often used Waynesville, Ohio, LYDIA B., wife of Brooks John- | as mere beasts of burden. The Minister says in son, and only daughter of Edward and Jemima the same despatch:


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There have been issued at Washington, printed copies of the correspondence between the State Department and David Tod, United States Minister at Rio Janeiro, relative to the African slave trade. The correspondence of Mr. Tod covers a period of about four years, but he refers to, and gives the substance of communications from Mr. Proffit and Mr. Wise, his predecessors in the mission, upon the slave trade, from March, 1843, to the time of his arrival in Brazil. This document discloses facts which will shock the country, and we trust lead to effectual measures for the suppression of the most cruel and wicked traffic ever carried on.

"This traffic should, at all hazards, be put down; and when I inform you that by far the greater portion of it is carried on in vessels built in the United States, and under the flag of our country, I trust you will agree with me, that it becomes us to act, and to act promptly. For myself, I will do so with hearty good will."

In May, and July, 1847, Mr. Gorham Parks took a number of depositions relative to the case of the American brig Senator, which had brought a cargo of slaves into Brazil in the month of March preceding. This testimony proves that the vessel was American, that she sailed from Rio Janeiro with a general cargo direct for the coast of Africa; that she landed her cargo at three points on the coast, and took on board at Loango, nine hundred and ninety-three slaves, and after a voyage of twenty-three days arrived at Macahi, Brazil, two hundred and eighty-three slaves having died on the voyage. The crew shipped at Rio, under assurances that they were to be employed on a regular trading voyage. There were eight or ten sailors; from the names they are evidently Americans. Immediately before taking on board the negroes, the American captain went on shore, and a Portuguese took his place.

The men were told that the prize had been sold, and that they might go on shore if they chose, but they were not offered their wages, and the place was very sickly. They navigated the vessel back. The vessel was less than three hundred tons burthen. The negroes were stowed so thickly that some lay upon others. The supply of water was insufficient, and seventy-four slaves died the first night out, from suffocation. The "Senator" belonged to Boston, and she sailed throughout this fearful voyage under the American flag. The mate, named Miller, seems to have conducted the enterprise, and the minister solicited his surrender, to be sent home to the United States for punishment, but the Brazilian government did not give him up.

In January, 1848, the American bark Laurens was seized, a few days out from Rio, and sent home as a slaver. This is the vessel on which the specie was seized, for which the late Marshal of New York was reported to be a defaulter. She was condemned.

In October, 1849, the Minister describes the It is stated in a despatch dated Oct. 16th, 1847, case of the American whaling ship Herald, of that the trade between Africa and Brazil con- Stonington, which he demanded as the propertinued to be prosecuted to an extent almost in-ty of the insurers in New York. She sailed credible. Not less than forty-five thousand Af- from Stonington in December, 1845, and after ricans had been imported into Brazil the preceding year, and it is added that the poor creatures were not only separated from their homes and friends, but on their passage, and frequently after their arrival, were treated most brutally. More or less of every cargo are murdered on the

an unsuccessful cruise for whales, was brought into the port of Rio, and there "by the barratrous act of the master," Captain Samuel Barker-we give the name in full that the due meed of infamy may attach to it-was sold, nominally for $12,000, and fitted up for the slave trade,

Barker still commanding her. She made a voyage to the coast of Africa, and brought back to Brazil between eleven and twelve hundred slaves.

The burthen of the Herald was two hundred and forty-one tons. The condition of twelve hundred human beings in the hold of such a vessel may be imagined by a person of very strong imaginative faculties; it certainly could not be described. The wretch Berker contracted at the time of making the pretended sale of the ship, to make three voyages to Africa for slaves, and may therefore be presumed to have brought over more than three thousand victims of the traffic. His family reside, says oue of the documents, in Dartmouth, near New Bedford.

In January, 1850, Mr. Tod wrote, "fifty thousand Africans are annually imported into Brazil and sold for slaves. I believe one-half this number are introduced through the facilities, directly and indirectly afforded by the American flag. This belief is founded upon my familiarity with the subject, growing out of alclose attention to it since my arrival in Rio Janeiro."

Mr. Proffit, in his No. 9 of 27th of February, 1844, wrote to Mr. Upshur:

this trade is conducted. The vessel is sold and transferred the moment the slaves are ready for embarkation, and the American crew are turned on shore, or compelled to remain and work the vessel. Often while this transaction is going on, an English cruiser comes in sight, and then the slaves are hurried back, and the American flag again hoisted. There is proof on the records of the consulate at Rio, that an American captain took on board a cargo of slaves three times, and landed them as often, and was at length compelled to sail without them.

Mr. Parks adopts the estimate of the British Consul, Mr. Hesketh, that 183,500 slaves had been imported into the province of Rio Janeiro for the years 1846, '47, '48, and '49, but states that he has no means of estimating the total number for all Brazil. He says the only measures for the suppression of the trade, from which any good effect can be anticipated, are employment of small and swift sailing or steam vessels of war on that station, the refusal to grant sea letters authorising the transfer of American vessels in Brazil or on the African coast, and the total abolition of commerce between Brazil and the coast of Africa in our vessels. He says the latter regulation would be productive of no evil effects, as there is no trade unconnected with that slaves.

"I regret to say this, but it is a fact not to be disguised or denied, that the slave trade is almost entirely carried on under our flag, in Ameri-in can-built vessels, sold to slave traders here, chartered for the coast of Africa, and there sold, or sold here, delivered on the coast. And, indeed, the scandalous traffic could not be carried on to any extent, were it not for the use made of our flag, and by the facilities given by the chartering of American vessels to carry to the coast of Afriça the outfit for the trade, and the materials for purchasing slaves."

In February, 1845, Mr. Wise stated to Mr.


Such is an abstract of the contents of this document. It shows beyond a question, that the African slave-trade is carried on principally by vessels furnished by the free states of this confederacy, and in many cases by their expatriated citizens. It shows also that the provisions of the British treaty of 1843, have had no effect in suppressing this traffic, and that much more efficient, as well as more economical means may be adopted for the attainment of the same object. Journal of Commerce.

"Our flag alone gives the requisite protection against the right of visit, search, and seizure; and our citizens, in all the characters of owners, consignees, of agents, and of masters and crews of our vessels, are concerned in the business, and The African Slave Trade-The Manner of Con

partake of the profits of the African slave trade to and from the ports of Brazil, as fully as the Brazilians themselves and others, in conjunction with whom they carry it on. In fact, without the aid of our own citizens and our flag it could not be carried on, with success, at all."

In 1850, Ex-Consul Gorham Parks, in answer to circular questions of Mr. Tod, stated that from July, 1844, to October, 1849, ninety-three American vessels cleared from Rio for Africa; of these, all but five had been sold and delivered on the coast of Africa, and had been engaged in bringing over slaves, and many of them had been captured with slaves on board. They were all of them loaded with goods with which to purchase slaves, and with provisions and water for their support on the passage over. Mr. Parks next proceeds to describe the means by which

NEW YORK, January 31, 1851.

ducting it.

A very important arrest was made here a day or two since, but it was kept secret because the officers were on the track of other parties who had committed the same crime. It was that of Captain William Tyson, on the charge of having fitted out in this port about two years ago, a vessel called the Raymon de Zaldo, for the slave trade. The information was given by one of the seamen, and it was on his affidavit that Capt. Tyson was arrested. It is in proof that they landed six hundred and fifty slaves at Cuba. In relation to the subject of the slave trade carried on by Cuba, a correspondent from Havana writes as follows:

Notwithstanding the treaty with England and America, in regard to the slave trade, there has been imported to this Island alone, the last four

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