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Foreign News-[Continued]

ish Commonwealth and in no other way.

The third reading of the Legitimacy Bill was passed, 137 to 13 votes. The provisions of this Bill make legitimate a natural-born child whose parents subsequently marry. It will become law if passed by the House of Lords.

An amendment to the London Traffic Bill was carried by the Opposition, to the discomfiture of the Laborites. As defeat was incurred on a minor issue, the Government did not resign although a few irresponsibles called loudly "Resign!"

House of Lords. Lord Parmoor,* Lord President of the Council, assured their lordships that the Labor Government had no intention of abandoning the Sudan. Apparently, the impending visit to London of Saad Zaghlul Pasha, Premier of the Egyptian Government, had stirred up fearful forebodings in their lordships' bosoms.

Rationalism

A movement is what its leaders make it. The British Labor Party is still being made. Until James Ramsay MacDonald became Premier, the Party suffered from a surfeit of leaders. There appeared none who had an authoritative ascendancy over the others. Result: the Labor Party became "all things to all men."

Although it is a mistake to label Premier Ramsay MacDonald "leader of the Labor Party," it has for some time been clear that his authority is being more and more recognized and appreciated by the rank and file of the Labor Party. Precisely how satisfied the rank and file are with Premier MacDonald is disputatious. But it cannot be truthfully denied that he rebuts radicalism with rationalism and thereby exercises a moderating influence on the hotheads whose political precepts are too often governed by erroneous reasoning and illogical prejudices.

A case in point appears in the July number of the Century: "The articulate opposition within the limits of Mr.

*Lord Parmoor, family name Cripps, is a white-haired septuagenarian with something of the good looks and all of the intelligence of the late Lord Morley. He was Attorney General to King Edward when Edward was Prince of Wales. He combines the ecstatic with the prosaic, interests himself in ecclesiastical questions and farming.

Underwood

PARMOOR

He witnessed fearful forebodings

MacDonald's own party accuses the Prime Minister of being a Gladstonian Liberal instead of a Labor leader. They make much of his gold braid and his sword, and some of them charge him with liking better the amenities of the banquet table than the approval of a dingy hall full of workingmen."

At York, he is reported as having said to his Labor audience: ""They say I have fallen into bad habits. See that you don't. I should forget that I had a ceremonial suit, if I were not reminded of it by the press. We may be able to put on a funny sort of something sometimes; what does it matter? We put it on without thinking about it and put it away without troubling about it. When we lose our snobbery, our vulgarity, then we lose the real gold braid. What we want is to make a world in which we can hear more songs in our own lives, live more melodies."

Irish Minister

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Sir Esmé Howard, British Ambassador to the U. S., informed U. S. Secretary of State Charles E. Hughes that His Majesty's Government "deemed it desirable that the handling of matters at Washington exclusively relating to the Irish Free State should be confided to a Minister Plenipotentiary accredited to the United States Government."

The Secretary of State informed the British Ambassador that the U. S. Government was in cordial agreement with

His Majesty's Government's request and would be pleased to receive a Minister of the Irish Free State.

The formal approval of the British Government to the establishment of an Irish Legation in Washington was necessary before recognition could be extended by the Government of the U: S. to an Irish Minister.

The fact that the Free State contemplated sending a Minister to the U. S. was made known last month (TIME, June 23), when the name of Professor Smiddy was mentioned as its probable representative.

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In England many voices were raised against the Government's action in permitting the Irish Free State to have a separate Minister.

The Sunday Times said in part: "Doubtless Ireland is entitled to take this step under the treaty. But to offer active welcome to this 'development of diplomatic complexities rather suggests that the Ministers are prepared to bear philosophically the troubles of those who will come after them.

"In Constitutional rights, the cases of Canada and Ireland may be the same, but in every practical sense they are widely different. Canada has a constant schedule of neighborly business to be transacted with Washington, to which Ireland has no parallel."

The political correspondent of the same paper stated that the Free State was also proposing to appoint a Minister to France: "The French Government was directly approached on the subject some time ago, but regarded the proposal with considerable dubiousness, and decided to ascertain the views of the Foreign Office. Even when our Foreign Office intimated that they would make no objection, they still hesitated to accede to the request, which they felt to be an awkward precedent. But now that Washington has given the lead, they will doubtless intimate their readiness to receive the Free State's representative."

Courts

The season is ended. The élite of London will rush into the country for relaxation, some will go abroad, others yachting on the briny sea, some a very few-will have to remain "in town" owing to political necessity; for Parliament is still sitting.

The event which causes this exodus and defines the end of the season is the holding of the last Court by the King and Queen, who afterward usually travel north to Sandringham or Balmoral. Whether or not the political situation will perinit the King to leave

Foreign News-[Continued]

London as early as usual was not known.

Last week were held the last two Courts of the season. At them the following Americans were introduced into = the presence of Their Majesties: the Misses Anne Boyd, of Georgia; Sylvia Curtis, of Boston; Sarah Mellon, of Pittsburgh, niece of the U. S. Secre= tary of the Treasury; Rosamond Reed, daughter of David A. Reed, U. S. Senator from Pennsylvania; Esther Harrison Rowland, of Philadelphia; Frances Lindon Smith, of Boston; Mary Treadwell, of Washington; Mrs. Warren C. Fairbanks, of Chicago; Mary Frost, of California; Edith Ivins, of New York; Dorothy Greene, of Washington; Frances Marion Miller, of New York; Hildreth Scott, of Richmond; Hope Iselin, of New York; Mrs. Reginald Foster, of Boston, and Mrs. Christopher La Farge, both of whom are stepdaughters of Speaker Gillett of the House of Representatives; Mrs. George T. Marye, wife of the onetime American Ambassador to Russia; Mrs. C. Oliver Iselin, of New York.

Farce

So quiet has been the official tongue about the proceedings of the AngloRussian parley in London (TIME, Apr. 28, May 19, June 16) that many were the people who had almost forgotten its existence.

A rumor was spread that deliberations between the British holders of Russian bonds and the Soviet delegates had reached an impasse. No reliable details were made public.

The Conference proper has been delayed for a whole month in order to permit the bondholders to come to terms with the Soviet representatives. As an accord has apparently not been reached, British recognition of Russia still remains as much of a farce as ever.

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visit, which will coincide with the appearance of the Allied leaders in London for the Premiers' Conference.

FRANCE

Paris Wit

The people of Paris have a curious sense of humor and no matter how tragic a circumstance may be they can always find in it de quoi rire.

When, in 1920, President Deschanel

Underwood

The late M. DESCHANEL The people of Paris have a curious sense of humor

fell out of a train dressed in his pajamas -a really sad story-the Parisiens seized upon the incident with witty avidity. The following day every amusement place in Paris resounded with jokes at the expense of the unfortunate Deschanel.

Now, less than a month after the fall of President Millerand (TIME, June 23) -a less tearful episode than a presidential accident-there was scattered sur les grands boulevards the "Last Will and Testament of Alexandre Millerand." The enemies and friends of the exPresident could be distinguished at any café where the document was being read. The faces of the former were wreathed in fat grins of delight; while about the mouths of the latter played but furtive smiles.

The facetious pamphlet, for such it was, was for the most part untranslatable, being written in Parisian slang and filled with allusions "irreverent, recondite and even vulgar."

One of the more easily translated

morceaux choisis is a list of mourners whom the ex-President has requested to attend his funeral: "Jean, Millerand's son; the Unknown Soldier; Maman Canti [canti, name given to profiteering junk - dealers]; Mme. Vichère [composed of vie, life, chère, dear-high cost of living]; l'Abbesse du Franc. [Abbesse means abbess, but it is here a play on the English word abyss; hence, the abyss of the franc, an allusion to the franc's tremendous fall in the Spring (TIME, Mar. 17) when Millerand was President]."

Another section of the "will" is a' bequest made to Mme. Rasimi (wellknown Parisienne entrepreneuse and directress of the Ba-ta-Clan Theatre, where Millerand once delivered a famed address) of "a republic entirely done over and entirely renovated and a demolished National Bloc, all of which is to be used as accessories for a new comedy which is destined to change the Ba-ta-Clan into a Washout Palace."

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Ingratitude

Premier Edouard Herriot arrived in the capital from triumphant visits to Britain and Belgium and found a cold, critical Parliament awaiting him. The lack of warm welcome was not in keeping with the effervescent exuberance displayed in many lands at the time of the issuance of the Chequers communiqué (TIME, June 30).

The Senate was categoric in its questioning. It wanted to know:

1) Was the Experts' Plan accepted without reserve by all the Allies, would it be put in operation without retouching?

2) Was it correct that the Ruhr would be evacuated only in proportion to payments made, what precautions would be taken for its reoccupation?

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3) Was any change of program envisaged to occupation of the left bank of the Rhine? 4) Was France committed to support the admission of Germany to the League of Nations?

5) Was Belgium in accord with France on the questions of reparations, of disarmament of Germany and of the latter's admission to the League?

6) Had Italy been informed of what was being done?

7) How was German disarmament to be accomplished, what would be done if Germany paid no attention to the MacDonald-Herriot note?

8) Where and when would the interallied conference be held, which nations would be invited?

9) Was England ready to make concessions in exchange for French sacrifices, particularly with regard to the French debt, and what was considered likely to be the eventual attitude of the United States in this matter?

10) Had any formal agreements been made in London and Brussels?

To this questionnaire Premier Herriot wrote a reply which he read to both Houses of Parliament and which was received by them without enthusiasm:

Chequers. "I went to Chequers at the cordial invitation of the British

Foreign News-[Continued]

Prime Minister to discuss with him the necessary arrangements for putting into operation the Experts' Plan. This plan had been ratified by the Reparations Commission and accepted by the preceding Government. I confirmed this acceptance."

Commercial Security. "It is very evident that the interests of the Allies, and especially those of France, demand above all that organization of the service to be created for administration of the guarantees should be assured by conditions which will give all security. The Allies must secure the commercial value of their claims on Germany. We cannot have a recurrence of the disillusion which followed the former establishment of a schedule of payments."

Ruhr. "As for the military occupation of the Ruhr, while the British Government has expressed its desire to see a return to invisible occupation after economic evacuation, there cannot be, for one moment, any question of abandonment of their liberty of decision by the French and the Belgian Governments."

Political Guarantee. "It was necessary to consider the possibility of Germany's failing to carry out the extremely reasonable payments imposed by the Dawes Report. With a loyalty for which I thank him, Mr. MacDonald renewed to me the assurance, which he had given to MM. Theunis and Hymans and which was asked for in a letter by M. Poincaré, that in case Germany failed to fulfill her obligations as laid down by the experts, who had acted in all independence and impartiality, Great Britain, like France, the guardian of contracts, would engage herself solemnly to side with the Allies. Without this political guarantee foreseen by the report itself, it is too evident that purely technical guarantees might become inoperative as the result of the least incident."

German Disarmament. "For the defense of the French and Belgian troops in the present occupied districts, certain precautions are essential and Mr. MacDonald has consented to an inquiry by military experts into the measures to be taken. If Europe is to have peace, Germany must be disarmed. Neither declarations nor promises are sufficient, and on this subject, I am convinced that Mr. MacDonald is as resolute as we and that his intentions are not less vigorous than ours."

Brussels. "I have this to say, that in Brussels at no moment and on no subject was there the least difficulty."

The U. S. "I would express the

hope that the United States will associate itself not only in this conference, but in all. the efforts we are going to make for the establishment of peace." (Restrained applause).

Interallied Debts. "With the grave problem of definite security for France, interallied debts will be the subject of further conversations which we have mutually undertaken to continue. With all the strength of which I am capable, I insisted and I will insist on the unfavorable situation in which France will find herself even after execution of the Dawes plan if she does not obtain a just settlement of this matter."

Germany. "We have shown that if Germany is loyal, she will have nothing to fear. If she is not loyal, she will not be spared."

A few days later the Socialists became impatient. Premier Herriot, himself a Socialist, asked for 205,000,000 francs appropriation for continuing the occupation of the Ruhr. The Socialists thought France should quit the Ruhr forthwith, but the Premier put both feet down, took up a not unaggressive stand and said "No!" The Opposition thereupon warmed up and in a body supported the Premier. Twenty-six Communists, who always vote against everything, did the expected. Ninety-four Socialists, peeved at the Right and Centre for supporting the Socialist leader, decided not to vote. Premier Herriot was upheld by 456 votes against 26.

BELGIUM

Conference

From a visit to Premier Ramsay MacDonald of Britain went Premier Edouard Herriot of France to converse with Premier Georges Theunis of Belgium. The second Premier told the third Premier of what he had discussed with the first Premier (TIME, June 30).

The conversations started at 10 o'clock in the morning and were concluded at 6 o'clock in the evening with a short intermission for luncheon at Premier Theunis' home. At midday the Chefs de Cabinet were admitted to the Conference.

The Belgian Government issued the following communiqué:

"Premier Herriot put the Belgian Ministers au courant with his conversations with Premier MacDonald. They gave reason to hope for the close collaboration of Great Britain,

France, Italy and Belgium, with a view to insuring early application of the Experts' Plan.

"The French Prime Minister and Belgian Ministers next exchanged views on the principal points which will have to be discussed by the forthcoming Interallied Conference. . .

"An exchange of pledges after Germany has fulfilled all the conditions prescribed by the report of the experts, guarantees for its execution, the railway administration and extension of the M. I. C. U. M.* agreement received the especial attention of the Ministers.

"The representatives of the two Governments reaffirmed their common desire to secure strict execution of the clauses dealing with the disarmament of Germany. The problem of security was considered and further study of it will be pursued on both sides.

"The Brussels conversations were inspired with a sincere spirit of close friendship and reciprocal confidence. They have left the impression that genuine progress has been made and that the forthcoming conference will find itself in a position to reach an equitable solution of the reparations problem."

A Belgian political authority capped the conversation by remarking: "From this morning's conversation, it is clear that the English and French attitudes are not yet in entire agreement on all points, but there is on both sides a sincere desire for an understanding. This is satisfactory to Belgium since the Entente is for her a guarantee of security."

ITALY

The Great Wash

The black shirt, it has been frequently alleged, was adopted by the Fascisti on account of its utilitarian color. Premier Benito discovered, however, that certain kinds of spots show up most plainly, and to the quiescent but intense discomfiture of thousands of Fascisti, he ordered the first general wash of black shirts.

The stain which Benito was endeavoring so nobly to remove from the Black Shirts (the Fascisti) was made by the supposed murder of Deputy Giacomo Matteotti by some Fascisti (TIME, June

*M. I. C. U. M. (Mission Interalliée du Contrôl des Usines et Mines) refers to an agreement signed by German industrialists last Fall (TIME, Dec. 3) with the French Government and since renewed.

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23 et seq.). The whole story has now come to be known as the "Matteotti Affair," and with that affair Benito was over-busy during the past week.

With angry shouts from the Opposition ringing in his ears, with the stench of political dissatisfaction offending his nostrils and with sympathy paraded for Matteotti torturing his vision, Benito set to work to clear up the situation in his own terse way. He made the following speeches :

To the Cabinet. At a Council of Ministers, he referred to his decision to remain in office and added: "I believe that in that way I will best serve the interests of Italy, which must be preserved from the shock and unrest which would certainly accompany a Cabinet crisis at this moment."

To the Senate. Benito's speech was to the effect that he saw no reason why the Fascist Government should resign because it had suffered from the regrettable Matteotti affair.

Referring to the Fascist militia, Benito said: "The militia has been most useful to us in the present crisis. These soldiers of ours remained solid and faithful and ready to defend the Government if any one had accepted the proposals of the subversive parties. The militia will remain. This is a matter on which I will not compromise.

"As, however, many insinuations have been made because it does not swear faithfulness to the King, though standing guard over the King's palace and participating in parades in honor of the Sovereigns, in future it shall swear faithfulness to the King."

The Senators were so impressed by Benito that they approved his speech by 245 to 4 votes. The following vote of confidence was also passed by 225 to 21 votes: "The Senate, after listening to the speech of Premier Mussolini, approves the proposals made by him expressing the will to proceed with all energy to a complete reëstablishment of the laws of the country and to the execution of operations necessary for the pacification of the country."

To the Chamber. In his speech, Benito declared: "The Opposition is meeting in several cities of Italy, whence they advance their demands. These demands include resignation of the Government, dissolution of the Fascist militia and of Parliament and immediate general elections. They even push their impudence so far as to specify that the elections shall be held with the system of proportional representation.

"Whether these demands are formulated, as at present, in private meetings of various parties, or whether they be

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"I submit to your earnest consideration the situation in which Parliament now finds itself. The Opposition parties have withdrawn from Parliament. The question is whether this withdrawal is permanent or purely temporary, and therein lies the difficulty of the situation . . . This much is certain, however, that we will not allow ourselves to be blackmailed in this way by the Opposition. Withdrawal of the Opposition does not necessarily mean that Parliament must be closed....

"You, who have witnessed my Government's efforts-you, who know the program which the Government wishes to follow, can rest easy with the clear consciousness that if the crisis grows worse instead of better, public opinion and history cannot throw the blame on us."

Opposition. The parties of the Opposition were not to be quieted by Benito's promises of reform. They met in plenary session to damn Fascismo, to lay the blame for the Matteotti affair at the door of the Government, to demand the abolition of the Fascist militia, to ask in veiled language for Benito's resignation, to state that they would not attend Parliament again "as long as the present conditions prevail."

The resolutions made only two main demands: abolition of the Fascist militia; repression of violence and application of the law. With regard to Resolution No. 1, Benito had agreed to incorporate the Fascist militia with the Army, to make it swear fealty to the King, to open membership to all Parties. He had, in his speeches to the Senate and Chamber, himself proposed to carry out Resolution No. 2.

It was felt, therefore, that Benito had weathered the storm. If newspaper despatches were uncensored, as it was stated they were, Benito's popularity was returning.

Fascist Cabinet

In order not to embarrass il duce del Fascismo, all the Ministers of Benito Mussolini's Cabinet tendered their resignations to their chief; he received them without comment.

After a visit to the King, Premier Benito was expected to announce the formation of a coalition Cabinet, after which, so the story ran, he would accept most of the ministerial resignations presented to him.

GERMANY

Smack!

During a session of the Reichstag, Monarchist Deputy Laverenz walked up to Socialist Deputy Eckerstedt and dealt him a resounding smack in the face.

Such impropriety sent a rush of hot, red blood to the face of every Socialist and they swooped upon the Monarchists who advanced toward their attackers, fists clenched. The next moment the air became full of imprecations, fists, howls, groans. Baron von Wallraf, President of the Reichstag, adjourned the sitting for ten minutes. When the sitting was resumed the fight broke out again and von Wallraf was forced to suspend the session for the day.

The dispute allegedly started over an attempt on the part of the Socialists to prevent Monarchist Roth from justifying the assassination of Republican spokesmen.

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made by King Gustaf to The Hague in 1923 (TIME, Mar. 10, 1923).

After the termination of regal urbanities, the Dutch Royal Family will hie them to Swedish Lapland, where they will observe the midnight sun and visit hardy Laplanders in their camps.

CZECHO-SLOVAKIA Fewer Soldiers

The Government of Czecho-Slovakia sent to the Chamber of Deputies a bill providing for a reduction of the standing army from 150,000 men to 90,000. The provisions of this bill, received with satisfaction by the people and considered certain of being passed by Parliament, are to be in force for three years.

This reduction makes the Army about .065% of the total population, which is a lower percentage, based on official figures, than that of Rumania (about 1.25%) or Yugo-Slavia (about 1%). While criticism is ever facile, it cannot but be noticed that Czecho-Slovakia, who has led Central Europe in peace talk, has at last given proof of her sincerity.

RUMANIA

Protests

Notwithstanding the growls, yells and snarls of foreign Governments, the Rumanian Senate placidly passed a bill giving exclusive control of foreign oil properties in Rumania* to Rumanians.

Thereupon the Governments of the U. S., Britain, Belgium, France and the Netherlands made another vigorous protest against the law, which amounts to confiscation of foreign property. The Rumanian Government later denied this in a note to the U. S., stating that confiscation and interference with the legitimate rights of American capital were not contemplated in the bill.

The U. S. was not satisfied, however, and the Legation at Bukarest politely informed the Rumanian Government in a third note that the proposed law was prejudicial to American capital employed in Rumanian oil enterprises.

HUNGARY

"Good, Safe Investment"

Although European bankers had promised to provide all the money for the $50,000,000 international Hungarian loan, keen satisfaction was displayed in Hungary when a re-allot

⚫ Oil springs are situated at Bacau, Bazeu, Dambovita and Prahova. The output of oil has risen from 250,000 metric tons in 1900 to 1,508,829 metric tons in 1923.

ment of the loan to the extent of $10,000,000 was made to a group of U. S. bankers.

Said Premier Count Stephen Bethlen: "We had already obtained from the principal banks of Europe guarantees for the whole of the $50,000,000 required. Our appreciation of the present American action is therefore relatively disinterested and all the more sincere."

Describing the policy of his Government as one of peace and reconstruction, the Premier continued: "Within the last three months, Hungary has raised more than $18,000,000 internally as capital for the new national bank and State requirements, and has simultaneously raised and collected taxes, so as to increase the revenues for the first four months of this year to a point far higher than the estimates of the financial experts of the League of Nations.* The actual yield of our principal taxes exceeds by 46% the League's anticipation and by 80% the yield of 1923.

"Our own Hungarian bankers, although they have already raised a new internal loan, are showing confidence in the foreign loan by taking $2,000,000 of it. The bankers of the other European countries, who offered to provide the whole $50,000,000, were evidently satisfied with the security we offered. Now the American bankers have also decided that Hungary is a good, safe investment. Hungary will spare no effort to prove that she merits the confidence which Europe and America have now placed in her."

JAPAN

Reply to Reply

Contrary to expectation, report and rumor, the Imperial Japanese Government approved a reply to the reply (TIME, June 30) of U. S. Secretary of States Charles E. Hughes to a Japanese note of protest addressed to the U. S. Government (TIME, June 9).

The new note was despatched from Tokyo by Foreign Minister Kijuro Shidehara to Washington, for transmittance by Japanese Ambassador Masanao Hanihara to the U. S. State Department.

Friendly, courteous, firm, the note is brief and its principal contents, it was authoritatively stated, express dissatisfaction with Secretary Hughes' reply,

Hungarian finances are now subject to the control of the League of Nations, which is represented at Budapest by League Commissioner Jeremiah Smith, Jr., of Boston (TIME, Apr. 1, May 12).

and affirm Japan's intention of keeping the Immigration Act of 1924 an open question.

Insult

One wet day the good ship President Madison steamed into the port of Yokohama. Americans were aboard, and a customs officer thought it his plain and insulting duty to breathe a little antiexclusion spirit into his work. He examined the free-born citizens of the U. S. for all the 60 seconds of the 60 minutes of an hour, forcing them, among other things, to stand on a wet wooden platform in their bare feet.

The result was that the aforesaid freeborn American citizens sneezed a complaint to the U. S. Consul at Yokohama. Later, the Japanese Director of Customs apologized to the Consul for the discourteous treatment accorded to the Americans by the customs officer and stated that he would remove him from his post.

Sakhalin

Due north of the Japanese island of Yezo lies in the Sea of Okhotsk the long island known to the Russians as Sakhalin and to the Japanese as Karafuto.

Under the terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth, signed at Portsmouth, N. H., in 1905, Russia ceded a southern portion of the island to Japan. That was part of the price paid by Russia for losing the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5).

Now Sakhalin, or Karafuto, is rich in alluvial gold and coal deposits. Its surface is covered by vast forests of larch and fir trees. Large tracts of land are fit for pasturage and agriculture, and there is oil, as Oil Shah Harry F. Sinclair could testify. The climatic conditions are on the whole excellent, and are comparable to those obtaining in inland British Columbia. Moreover, the island has but a mere 100,000 inhabitants whose principal occupation is fishing for herrings. The country can absorb for many years all the emigrants from Japan.

This is a sketch of the reasons which inspire the Japanese Foreign Office to obtain from Russia the northern half of the island known as Sakhalin and Karafuto. And in return for such apparent magnanimity, Japan is willing to cancel Russia's political debt*, to her and joyfully accord her de jure recognition.

Political debt is contracted by one Government borrowing money from another for purely political purposes, and is in contradistinction to credits obtained (usually by firms and individuals) for economic purposes.

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