Lewis, representing the defendants, sked that the trial be postponed until after the election because all Parties, for political purposes, were now demanding Forbes' conviction. Judge Carpenter answered that there were no politics in his court. He overruled demurrers, refused postponement, set the date for the trial's beginning for Oct. 14.

POLITICAL NOTES Brothers in Arms

The picture appearing on this page is reprinted from the Sept. 15 issue of TIME. It evoked the following letter from the smaller of the two lads depicted, and a correction of the article which accompanied the picturea correction explained by the letter: "347 Madison Avenue, Sept. 16, 1924.

"TIME,

236 E. 39th Street,

New York City

"Gentlemen:

"On the third page of your issue of the 15th, there is a cut of me and my brother W. G. McAdoo, made from a daguerreotype taken of us when we were small boys in Georgia.

"I had forgotten this daguerreotype but would like to obtain a copy. If you will kindly let me have it for that purpose, I shall appreciate it and promptly return.

"I am quite amused at the line in the article about W. G. and me when you say that the younger brother (I) looked up to the elder (W. G.) with great admiration.

"The militant spirit following the war was strong, particularly in the South, at the time this daguerreotype was taken, and the courage of boys was tested by fisticuffs with one another. . . . Our two elder brothers, long since dead, used to egg us on to a fight by putting a chip on one or the other's shoulder and daring the other to knock it off. This was always promptly done and a combat followed.

"There was no such thing as looking up to each other.

"The last time our father ever punished me was for licking W. G., which I always did, although younger, as our two elder brothers would testify if living.

"Despite this, we were the best

James Hamilton Lewis is "the U. S. political beau." Spats, pink waistcoats, purple handkerchiefs, whiskers of scarlet hue he wears with infinite variety. In his fighting days, he would go to the toughest wards of Chicago, dressed in his gayest, huge flower in his lapel, fat and fragrant cigar in his mouth. His audacity melted the hearts of the toughsand toughs vote with their hearts.

of friends and had our pleasures and children's diseases together and always fought together against outsiders.

"Referring to politics, I hold Country above parties. The curse of

THE MCADOO BROTHERS

always fought together"

this country today, in my opinion, is the person who votes for a party because his or her father voted that way.

"Such person should show that they are worthy descendants of their fathers by doing their own thinking and voting for the best interest of their Country regardless of party lines.

"Referring further to politics, I shall regret very much if W. G., in order to be regular, supports the Davis ticket. That will merely show that he holds parties above his country. I am not in politics and I hold my country above parties. Senators La Follette and Wheeler are simply the leaders of a great cause which is above party. They are modern prototypes of Abraham Lincoln.

"You may publish this if you like. "Sincerely,

(Signed) "M. R. McADOO."

Hale and agile, tanned of face and bright of eye after an invigorating sea voyage following two months abroad, William G. McAdoo last Monday marched down the gangway of the S.S. Leviathan, set foot on Manhattan Island.

Miscellaneous Mention

In Southampton, L. I., Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt addressed a

meeting of women Democrats. Said she: "Republicans go into the Cabinet to make money; Democrats get out of the Cabinet to make money."

In Washington, Mrs. Mae Nolan, of California, only woman member of Congress, announced that, in the event of the Washington Baseball Club's winning the baseball championship of the world, she will introduce a resolution in Congress to make Walter Johnson's birthday a legal holiday throughout the District of Columbia.

In Manhattan, John K. Tener, onetime Governor of Pennsylvania, onetime President of the National League of Professional Baseball Clubs, onetime baseball pitcher, spoke as follows to a newspaper reporter: "Suppose the manager or owner of a big league baseball club suddenly developed radical ideas about how the game should be played and how the rules should be interpreted, and insisted that in his park the spectators should make the decisions instead of the umpires. Can you imagine the chaos that would result?

"Yet that is just what La Follette would do, in effect, if he had his way about the Supreme Court and other vital parts of our government machine."

Clem L. Shaver, alleged ineffectual Chairman of the Davis campaign, together with the Republican Chairman (William M. Butler), was soundly rebuked by The New York Times, chief Davis organ. Said the newspaper: "It is significant that protests against the political gush which the Chairmen of the National Committees have been so freely exuding are being heard within the ranks of their own parties . . . Republican complaint about the rosy optimism of Chairman Butler is reaching and disquieting Washington. The President is urged to mobilize that famous Advisory Committee which was to hold the too sanguine and too arbitrary Butler in check . . . There is no corresponding body to watch over the outgivings of Chairman Shaver of the Democratic National Committee, but he, too, has been worrying his own party more than cheering it, by some of his interviews. The Chairmen should get it into their heads

*Walter Johnson is the leading pitcher of the Washingtons. He was born on Nov. 6, 1887, at Humboldt, Kan.

that their chief function is to work, not to talk."

Governor Douglas

Of the

He was much downtrodden. 220-odd million feet in the U. S., ten million of them daily step on his face. For his features are still printed on the soles of his countrymen, although W. L. Douglas is dead.

William Lewis Douglas, born at Plymouth, beside the Rock, in 1845, lost his father at sea when he was only five. At seven he was apprenticed to a shoemaker. You can see him, "W. L. Douglas Pegging Shoes at Seven Years of Age," between "$7.00 French Brogue for Men" and the "$5.00 Advance Fall | Style for Women" in almost any news

paper.

"WEAR W. L. DOUGLAS SHOES | AND SAVE MONEY." He pegged shoes for $10 a month for eight years. Then he gave it up and worked in a cotton mill for 33¢ a day. He served in the Civil War and was wounded at Cold Harbor. At 20, he went West, and in Golden City, Col., set up a retail store, Studwell & Douglas, and advertised with an advertisement headed "INDIANS. If you want to outrun the redskins, wear Studwell & Douglas shoes." After three years, he sold out at a profit and returned to Massachusetts where he worked as foreman in a shoe factory.

"FOR 38 YEARS, W. L. Douglas' name and portrait have stood for quality, for economy and satisfactory service." On $875 of borrowed capital, he set up his own factory, at first employing five men working in one room and turning out 48 pairs of shoes a day. His business grew until he had six factories turning out over 20,000 pairs of shoes a day.

"W. L. DOUGLAS $7.00 SHOES are remarkably good value." In 1887, he was elected to the Massachusetts Senate. In 1890, he was elected Mayor of Brockton, his home town. In 1904, in the midst of Roosevelt's successful campaign, Douglas, a Democrat, was elected Governor of Massachusetts although all the other state offices went to Republicans. He refused to run again.

"WHEREVER YOU LIVE, demand W. L. Douglas shoes. They are sold in 120 of our stores in the principal cities and by over 5,000 shoe dealers." In 1913, he married a second time, his first wife having died. He established the Douglas Eye and Ear Fund for the treatment of children in Brockton, and also the Brockton Hospital. Less than two months ago he was overtaken by what was described as "a pernicious ailment." He went to the Peter Bent

only to look at his face to see that. It is a Yankee face. It just missed being a mean face, with its tight mouth and the over-sharp nose set at too pronounced an angle with the brow. The eyes are narrow and veiled, though they light up readily. The brightness of the eyes and the frequent smile save the face from repelling you. The smile is frugal. . . ." Candidate Davis. "... He is one of life's fair-haired boys. When he sells his legal service he does not throw in his soul for good measure. .. Mr. Davis' mind is as smooth and round as his face. .."

Candidate La Follette. "... We all

*YOU TAKES YOUR CHOICE-Clinton W. Gilbert. (One of the authors of The Mirrors of Washington)-Putnam ($2.50).

owe him a debt of gratitude for exposing the corruption that went on under the eyes of poor unseeing Mr. Harding. . . . He governed a state long and well. People still live in it and grow rich. Corporations do not flee from it. He has served many years in the Senate and no extreme proposal has come in with his name on it. . . . He has never recognized the validity of 'the smile that wins.' .. Diplomacy has always seemed to Mr. LaFollette something base, something akin to a surrender of principles. I do not think he has ever understood the human heart. . . ." Candidate Dawes. . . He was not one of the Arrow Collar Kids of politics they usually put up for the Vice Presidency. . . . Well, there he is, a man who has done more and felt more than most men have, a cautious banker and a mad enthusiast, an artist, the best of friends, a hardboiled business man exploding with emotion, thinking straight in figures, but illogical and picturesque in speech. . . ."

66

Candidate Bryan. "Younger brother to greatness, private secretary to a three-times candidate for President, business manager of the one-man Bryan newspaper, the Commoner, booker of the prince of Peace lectures, caller of the taxicabs to the Lincoln home, checker of the sacred suitcase on all trains-how could he emerge himself as a personality, the best gasoline-buying, coal-selling Governor Nebraska ever had?... He runs the State of Nebraska as if it were a small-town shop and he were the shopkeeper. And I am bound to say that he has run it well. He believes in William J. as William J. believes in Genesis. . . ."

man

Candidate Wheeler. ". . . He is more like Mr. McAdoo than like any other in Washington. He has Mr. McAdoo's boldness, selfconfidence, aggressiveness, relentlessness. He has all of Mr. McAdoo's cocksureness and infallibility. . . . He is more impersonal than Mr. McAdoo. Mr. McAdoo hated vindictively the men who had stood in his way; at heart he was a feudist. Mr. Wheeler has no feuds; he hates what men have done, not the men themselves. . . . He is young and handsome, two great virtues. He is a favorite at Washington dinner parties, which radicals ordinarily are not. He has a charming wife and that helps him. He has poise and selfpossession. He is never boastful or strident. He bears no resentments. He expects to be roughly handled and takes rough handling like a soldier."

THE LEAGUE At Geneva

A subcommission, under the chairmanship of brilliant Dr. Eduard Benes, Foreign Minister of Czechoslovakia, labored furiously to evolve a plan of arbitration, security and disarmament that would be acceptable to all Powers. Spade work over and final touches made, the subcommission made its report to the Permanent Disarmament Commission.

In general terms, the findings of the subcommission proposed compulsory arbitration, outlawry of aggressor nations, as provided by the Bliss-Shotwell Plan (TIME, June 30). "Aggressor nations" were defined as those who decline to submit external 'disputes to the Permanent Court of International Justice or the Council of the League of Nations (constituted as courts of arbitration), or those who fail to carry out the decisions of the courts of arbitration. In the event of a nation embarking upon aggressive warfare in defiance of the aforesaid decision, the signatory Powers of the protocol (to the Covenant of the League) are to engage to participate in enforcing naval, military or economic sanctions (punitive measures) against the nation declared the aggressor. The territory and political and economic independence of an aggressor nation are always to be respected. Thus the world status quo is to be maintained, and it is therein that security is to be guaranteed.

The sanctions are to be enforced under a system of regional agreements. Thus, trouble from Hungary would affect only the States in that region. Any country, member or non-member of the League, may sign the protocol by giving notice to the League Council.

One important change in the Covenant was proposed. Article XII* is to be amended. The first sentence is to end "and they agree in no case to resort to war, except in repelling attack.” The whole protocol was subordinated to the question of disarmament which is to be thrashed out at an international

*Article XII reads: "The members of the League agree that if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture they will submit the matter either to arbitration or to inquiry by the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the report by the Council. In any case under this Article the award by the arbitrators shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission of the dispute."

conference to be held at Geneva on June 15, 1925.

The protocol will not come into force until after the disarmament conference has met. On the other hand, the conference will not be convened until a sufficient number of States has ratified the protocol. Therefore, if ratifications are not forthcoming, there will be no conference and the protocol will be canceled.

Matters which came before the Assembly:

The principality of Monaco, a tiny country embedded in the French Riviera, eight square miles in area, sounded the League on how its application for membership would be received. "Too small," said the League. Said Arthur Brisbane, Hearst editor:

"Every time the League invites this country to come in, the United States should answer: "No, thanks, we are too big."

After hearing an eloquent plea from Henry Morgenthau, ex-U. S. Ambassador to Turkey, on behalf of Greek refugees from Asia Minor, now practically destitute, the League decided to increase a loan to Greece from 6,000,000 to 10,000,000 pounds.

Swedish representatives moved that an international commission of experts be convened as a preliminary step in the study of the codification of international laws. The motion was passed.

The Permanent Disarmament Commission was charged with making a study of characteristic features of trade in arms and munitions of

war.

Persian delegates complained that a treaty concluded between Irak and Britain discriminated against their nationals resident in Irak.

Discussion of the question, which has Mosul as its objective and which consists of a dispute between Turkey and Britain over whether Mosul should continue to belong to Irak or be retransferred to Turkey, was postponed for a later session of the Council.

Resolutions were passed concerning legal assistance to the poor; concerning a conference to be held in November to restrict the growth and distribution of opium.

President Motta of the Fifth Assembly said he was unable to promise when the session would be dissolved. He intimated that there was a possibility of its continuing into October.

THE RUHR

Ruhr Evacuation

Economic evacuation of the Ruhr by France and Belgium was continued without interruption.

Gruiden and Koenige saw the last of the French soldiers and were grateful. The French Foreign Office announced that troops in the Dortmund area would be withdrawn by Oct. 15.

COMMONWEALTH

(British Commonwealth of Nations)

Elections Coming

The beating of tom-toms and the wild war cries of the Liberals continued throughout the past week. In ex-Premier Asquith's house, a Liberal war council was held. The Liberal chiefs decided not to support the

Anglo-Russian Treaty (TIME, Aug. 18), when it comes before the House of Commons for approval. As this is a major Government issue, the MacDonald Cabinet is expected to resign. A general election will follow.

All this ex-Premier George had envisaged in his speech at Penmaenmawr (TIME, Sept. 22). There was, however, considerable discussion throughout Britain as to how far Mr. George answered the question Party. Was he supported by Mr. Asquith, Mr. George's titular chief? Mr. George spoke for the Liberal himself. Said he:

"I have the highest authority for saying that the leader of the party fully approves the action taken by me. . . ."

While general elections are certain to be held early in the winter, according to competent political observers, the main issues on which they are to be fought are obscure. Some think that the Russian Treaty will be amended and passed. The Irish bill (see below) is certain of passage. Labor's achievements, except for domestic policy, have been conspicuously successful. How, therefore, is the Labor Government to be ousted?

The truth is that the Anglo-Russian pact will, one way or another, cause the Labor beans to be spilled. Even if the Liberals succeed in getting a majority for their amendments to the Treaty, which is doubtful, the Labor Party will split and will itself cause the downfall of the Cabinet; for many strong men within the party have called for the passage

of the Treaty, all the Treaty and nothing but the Treaty.

Premier MacDonald, it was argued, would rather oppose the amendment than risk an internal explosion in his Party. The Liberals will almost certainly try to cause that explosion, for it may give them great and obvious advantage in the elections. Thus, whether or not the Liberals openly oppose the Treaty-and in the former case the extreme Labor and Conservative parties will join in opposition-the Labor lease of No. 10 Downing Street was considered to be expiring.

At It Again

Margot Asquith contributed an article* to a London magazine, took some potshots at British political heroes past and present:

Of Lloyd George, ex-Premier. "Lloyd George loves a crowd more than himself. He has more ideas and treats them with fickle and impartial humor."

Of Lord Curzon, ex-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. "His natural self made many friends in his youth, but for some unknown reason he grafted onto that brilliant and hospitable self a certain ceremonious nonconducting personality which estranges intimacy and his sense of humor-which is of the highest quality-never has been focused on himself."

Of Ramsay MacDonald, Premier. "Ramsay MacDonald watches and defends himself, but whether from strain or suspicion he is not at ease about himself."

Of Lord Grey, ex-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. "Lord Grey has a self that few men can influence and none can force. People do not matter to him; his intimacies are with birds, trees and squirrels."

Of Lord Birkenhead, ex-Lord High Chancellor. "Lord Birkenhead listens to himself but his brains have gone to his head and he hears confused sounds."

Of Stanley Baldwin, ex-Premier. "Stanley Baldwin, though a little perplexed, is unconcerned and enjoys himself."

Of Austen Chamberlain, ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer. "Austen

*Most of her recent articles, as in the present instance, are Liberal propaganda. She conceives it to be her duty to smile upon her husband's colleagues and to shoot malignant darts at the leaders of the parties in opposition to the Asquithian Liberals.

Chamberlain is more loyal to his friends than to his convictions."

In a forthcoming book, entitled Without Prejudice, Margot was reported to have shown that unswerving fidelity to her husband, and through him to the Liberal Party, that is commonly expected of a good

Paul Thompson

MARGOT

A good wife, a better politician

wife and a better politician. Among other things, the volume contains the following dialogue:

Margot (ingratiatingly): "You are a greater man than Lloyd George or Winston Churchill."

Benito Mussolini (swelling and smiling): "And who then is greater than I?"

Margot (batting not an eyelid): "My husband."

Irish Crisis

For the umpteenth and last time Northern Ireland refused to nominate a delegate to represent her on the Irish Boundary Commission (TIME, May 5, et seq.). Furthermore, it was stated that whatever the decision of the Boundary Commission is, the North will demand an appeal. Under this extreme recalcitrancy lies trouble of a kind that is manufactured only in Ireland. Northern Ireland claims that the six counties Armagh, Antrim, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry, Tyrone) which form her territory, were delimited in the Government of Ireland Act of 1920; that the boundary between the Free State and Northern Ireland (cause of

all the trouble) was therefore fixed and agreed to by the North and the Parliament at Westminster.

The Irish Free State, which was not a party to the Government of Ireland Act, and which came into existence by virtue of the Free State (Agreement) Act of 1922, sees the whole matter in a different light. In the Act which recorded her birth, the Free State bartered for the establishment of a boundary commission to fix finally the border line between the two Irish states. To this Act the Northern Government was not a party and has firmly declined to admit the legality of a boundary commission.

When Englishmen and Irishmen had brought about something resembling Irish peace in 1922, many thought that recurrent Irish turmoils would be matters for the Irish to settle. Britain had washed her hands of Ireland. But the conflicting treaties have injected the Irish question into British politics to such an extent that it is one of the cardinal issues to be discussed in the next session of Parliament.

Britain, a party to both Irish Acts, is in the position of having sold the same piece of ground to two purchasers. The North sticks to its contention that the six counties are an integral part of Northern Ireland. The Free State claims that the final disposition of Tyrone and Fermanagh, both said to be predominantly Catholic counties in a Protestant State, should be settled in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants. Irish disagreement is proverbial, but to make matters worse even the English cannot agree. Some claim that the Boundary Commission, as defined by the Free State Act, was empowered only to rectify the frontier. Ex-Premier George has himself said: "Only a parish here and a township there are likely to be transferred." Others support either the North or the Free State; and so where there is disunity there is dissension.

The British Government has announced its determination to stand by the last treaty; but the law also holds it to the Government of Ireland Act. The Northern Government has been asked to facilitate the liquidation of the row by appointing a delegate to the Commission; but the North, suspicious of the vagueness of the Free State Act, steadfastly refuses. More recently, the matter was referred to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (TIME, Aug. 11). This committee recommended to the King that the North could not be forced to

name a delegate for the Commission and that special legislation would be necessary before the British Government could arrogate to itself the right for making an appointment for Northern Ireland.

When Parliament opens (this fall), legislation will be introduced; and because the Liberals support the Government, a bill to authorize Britain to nominate a delegate on the Irish Boundary Commission is certain to become law. But this will by no means end the Irish boundary question. If the Commission rectifies the boundary, the Free State will tear its hair in rage; if, on the other hand, the Commission calmly hands over Tyrone and Fermanagh to the Free State, Northern Ireland will see red. Truly a case of "where there is no peace."

Princely Pilgrim

The chronological account of Lord Renfrew's visit to the U. S. concluded:

His lordship paid a sudden visit to Manhattan. At the Julia Richman High School, girls cheered him; at the Museum of Natural History, where he saw dodos and dinosaurs, the officials and guides recognized him. Leaving the Times Annex, chorus girls cheered him from the windows of their dressing room in the Apollo Theatre. On his way to the Herald-Tribune offices he was pointed out by the inimitable Will Rogers to a bevy of Ziegfeld Follies beauties who immediately broke into raucous cheers.

While in the Times building, the Baron read his ready-made obituary and some of the great fund of information about him stored in the morgue. At the Herald-Tribune, he pressed a button which started the presses which covered part of a Sunday edition. Everyone was impressed by the knowledge of printing possessed by the "English lord," so much so that he was made a member of the pressmen's union which authorizes him to seek employment on cylinder and flat-bed presses, entitles him to sick benefits, insures him a good funeral.

Next day, a visit was paid to the Wall Street section, where he was besieged by a half a million people and only extricated from the jam by efforts of police reserves, assembled at the last moment. He lunched in the skyscraper which holds the Recess Club on its 21st floor. He visited a telephone exchange, spoke to British apprentices in a Merchant Marine club, saw a ball game at the Polo Grounds, visited the Advertising Club, took a Turkish bath at the Racquet Club,

dined, saw Rain, danced and had supper at the Lido Venice, where the Dolly sisters were on hand to the great satisfaction of Renfrew.

Next day the Baron had a gruelling session with camera men:

"Don't look into the camera," commanded the camera boss.

"I'm not. I'm looking at you," returned Renfrew.

"Take off your hat." He took it off. "Smile!"

"Tell me a funny story and I'll smile." But the camera men could not think of one. Nevertheless, the Baron beamed out of sheer good-nature.

"Light a cigarette!" He failed first attempt.

"This is a stage cigarette. It doesn't light," said Renfrew. He succeeded

the second time.

“Will your Highness read a book?" "Yes, anything."

Time for close-ups came. "This is horrible," exclaimed Renfrew. Then, after it was all over, he said, "I'm terribly embarrassed. I'm afraid I must go."

After two days of enjoyment, an eight-car train puffed out of Syosset. Lord Renfrew, the cheers of the farewell crowd ringing in his ears, ended his 23-day vacation in the U. S. and left for his ranch near High River, Alberta.

His farewell message: "I am leaving the U. S. with very real regret. This is not only the end of a thoroughly enjoyable three weeks which I shall never forget, but it also involves saying goodbye to a host of friends who, ever since I landed in their country, have done everything in their power to make me welcome. Your President and all his fellow citizens with whom I have come in contact have united in offering me the right hand of good fellowship; very many others, whom I have never met, have taken the trouble to write to me kind words which have touched me deeply.

Many of

"It has not been possible for me to answer such letters as fully as I should wish but I am glad to have this chance of telling the writers collectively how I value their good wishes. them have sent me such cordial invitations to districts of the United States which I have not yet seen that I hope more than ever it may be possible for me some day, when time and circumstances permit, to make an extensive tour of this great country.

"I have made the most of these three vacational weeks, which for me could not have been more full of enjoyment and interest; but the chief memory of them which I shall carry away with me -the best of all memories for a de

parting guest-is one of good sportsmanship and sympathy."

FRANCE

Cool, Calm, Collected

Flushed by a good, stiff sea breeeze and not a little gratified by the great French naval review he had just witnessed, Premier Herriot of France stepped off a French torpedo boat at Marseille.

A luxurious limousine awaited him. But no, he would make the journey à pied; limousines were for the capitalists, feet for the honest working men; so off went Edouard, his shoes squeaking under the weight of his corpulence. Great crowds assembled. The Premier smiled. Great crowds followed. The Premier was delighted. Many times he stopped, shook hands, conversed, kissed, parted with common people and sailors. Many times the people cheered; and many times the Premier raised his hat. Then, from a side alley, was heard a noise like the trumpetings of mad elephants. Two hundred Communists, armed to the eyebrows with sticks, swooped upon the Premier, uttering the terrible cry of "Amnestie!"* M. Herriot turned pale. The Communists surrounded him, waved their sticks, "threatened" him. Several times he was all but hit; yet he remained proverbially cool, calm.

Police arrived in time to prevent the The Premier from being damaged. Communists were routed. The Premier was pushed into an automobile, driven to the station where he caught a train for Paris.

GERMANY

Die Kaiserliche Familie

In

¶ Wilhelm II, once Emperor of Germany, turned over a new leaf. stead of scorning the plebs, he decided to greet them paternally. Old men and boys, old ladies and girls, even squalling infants, he now salutes with a brisk "good morning" as he parades his kingdom in Doorn. "Occasionally he shakes hands, often he distributes signed portraits of himself." Boxes of cigars and cigarettes are distributed and money is given to deserving causes. "Bill" was believed to be making a bid for popularity.

Kaiserin Hermine, taking the baths at Baden-Baden, succeeded in shocking the aristocracy. Instead

*Apparently the Communists thought that the Amnesty Bill-passed by the Chamber (TIME, July 21) and temporarily shelved by the Senate (TIME, Aug. 11)-was not being pushed by the Government with sufficient energy.